OONI OF IFE AND ALAAFIN OF OYO SUPREMACY CONTEST— History and Facts Why the Ooni is Superior to the Alaafin
Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe, PhD August 25, 2025
In John Wyndham’s “Myth of Ife” published in 1921, Babalawo Araba the Chief Priest of Ifa, was instructed by the Ooni of Ife to recount the history of Ile-Ife and he stated in part:
I am the voice of Ifa, messenger
Of all the Gods: to me the histories
Are known, and I will tell you of the days
Of the Descent. How old Aramfe [God of Thunder and Father of the Gods] sent
The Gods from Heaven, and Oduduwa stole
The bag—my King has told you…For many a day….[1]
Recently, during his visit to the Ooni of Ife, the anti-Fulani Yoruba self-determination agitator Sunday Adeniyi Adeyemi popularly called Sunday Igboho, made a somewhat scathing statement over the Alaafin crown. He claimed that the crown the Alaafin is putting on was originally that of his father, which he supported with the recitation of his family’s Oriki (praise poetry) thus: “They would say: ‘Lade Lade Lade. Alaafin doesn’t have a crown. It is the crown of Aladikun (his progenitor) that was collected for Alaafin.’”[2]
Sunday Igboho’s claim might seem queer to many, since it is a claim which only the like of the Ile-Ife Chief Priest of Ifa, Babalawo Araba can reveal its truth. However, the modern Babalawos of Yoruba history have proved his assertion to be right. One of such Babalawos of Yoruba history was the mid-19th century American Baptist Missionary to interior Yorubaland named Rev. T. J. Bowen, who worked among the people of Abeokuta, Ketu, Igboho, Oyo and Ogbomosho from 1849 to 1865.
In his book published in 1857 titled: Central Africa: Adventures and Missionary Labors in Several Countries in the Interior of Africa from 1849 to 1856, the intrepid missionary stated that Igboho was the first and original capital of Oyo Kingdom before Katunga (the old Oyo Capital) destroyed by Fulani jihadists. Recounting Yoruba tradition of origin from Ile-Ife and subsequent migration northward, he wrote:
All accounts agree that the Yorubas first lived at Ifeh. The next settlement was at Igboho, (Bohoo) which became the capital of Yoruba. The great mother of the six tribes is still worshipped at Ifeh and Abbeokuta, under the somewhat remarkable name of Iyommodeh— Iya ommoh oddeh)—the mother of the hunter’s children.[3]
It should also be recalled that the return of the Alaafin throne to the old royal house of Igboho or Kihisi after the death of the first Alaafin to reign in exile in the present city of Oyo Alaafin Atiba, was one of the conditions laid down for peace in Oyo Kingdom by Are Ona Kakanfo Kurumi of Ijaiye.
Are Ona Kakanfo Kurumi had opposed the ascension to the throne of Aremo Adelu (first son of the Alaafin Atiba) who was supposed to die with his father according to custom; even though the custom was earlier abolished by Alaafin Atiba. This conflict subsequently led to the unfortunate Ijaiye war of 1860-62 following the death of a rich woman named Abu from Jenna town without heir and whose estate by customs was supposed to be inherited by the Alaafin but confiscated by Are Ona Kakanfo Kurumi.[4]
It is also important to note that one of the fundamental rituals of every new Alaafin of Oyo after ascension to the throne is the “Igba-Iwa” undertaken by a diviner from Ile-Ife to determine the course and nature of the reign of the new Alaafin.[5] One is not issue if the present Alaafin performed this ritual, otherwise he could have realized the superiority of the Ooni over him.
Furthermore, the customary “Sword of State”, known as “Sword of Justice” must be sent to the new Alaafin of Oyo from Ile-Ife by the Ooni of Ife before the Alaafin could order any execution or pass death sentence on anybody.[6] Again, one does not know if the new Alaafin of Oyo who is currently challenging the authority of the Ooni of Ife obtained such customary Sword of Justice from the latter.
It goes therefore to say that the position of Alaafin as the traditional head of the core-Yoruba (Oyo) is as checkered in history as its claim of suzerainty over the entire contemporary Yoruba ethnic nation of present Nigeria. And this we will soon find out in the course of the Alaafin’s question for peace through the British Colonial Government in the Colony of Lagos.
It should be recalled that we concluded the last part of this essay with two letters of appeal from Alaafin Adeyemi I to the Governor of the British Colony of Lagos and the Secretary of Anglican (CMS) Mission in Lagos to help end the protracted war between Ibadan and the combined forces of Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo on one hand, and between Ibadan and Ilorin on the other. We also established that the Alaafin was also threatened by the forces of the Kingdom of Dahomey from the west, the Egba and Ijebu from the South, both of whom had blockaded their Oyo access to Lagos for arms and essential articles.
The people of Ife were at the same time battling with their Modakeke neighbors with the full support of the Ijesha and Ijebu. Indeed, as Bishop Samuel Johnson noted, “A distinguished Ife Chief, Akingbade by name, and the Asaju of Derin of Oke Igbo went and joined the Ijebu camp at Isoya to kidnap Yoruba caravans, and they made no exception of Modakeke their neighbours.”[7] This was the situation when the two letters were written and subsequently dispatched to Lagos Colony.
It should be further noted that both letters of appeal were written on October 15th, 1881, whereas the said treaty between Oyo and the British administration of Lagos Colony under Governor Alfred Moloney was signed on 23rd day of July, 1888. That was after almost a period of seven years. The question then is why such delay; and how far did the said treaty bring total end to the war?
The point was that when the said letters were delivered in Lagos, the Oyo residents in Lagos Colony questioned their authenticity on the grounds that first, the Oyo being superior to other Yoruba groups shouldn’t have been the first to sue for peace; second, that that there was no royal seal of the Alaafin with his Ilari (royal messenger) as was the tradition to confirm the originality of its slource; and third, the mutual jealousy between the Ijesha and Oyo residents in Lagos Colony.
Finding himself in a confused state of mind, the Governor told the Alaafin’s messenger to convey his personal opinion in writing to convince him that the people actually wanted peace. This was done by a letter dated November 28, 1881, convincing the Governor that not only the Alaafin but that other Yoruba groups needed peace and wanted to end the internecine war as well, following the failed peace attempt by the Derin of Oke Igbo who was at the time the Oon-of Ife-elect.[8] As Samuel Johnson noted:
The Governor after due deliberation decided to send accredited messengers to sound the feelings of the chiefs of the tribes most concerned as to how far they desired peace, and also to ascertain whether the Alafin’s letter was genuine and if so that he should send an Ilari down with his staff. The delegates entrusted with this business were: For the Oyos — Messrs. Simeon D. Kester and Oderinlo Wilson; for the Ijesas — Messrs. Phillippe Jose Meffre and Joseph Haastrup. These delegates with the Alafin’s messenger left Lagos on their mission on the 5th January, 1882, bearing letters to the Alafin, the Ibadan war chiefs, and to the Ekitiparapos from the Governor. A copy of the Alafin’s letter was sent back for confirmation if genuine or otherwise.[9]
It should be noted that in addition to ensure conclusive peace, the Governor extended similar invitation to those groups perceived to be neutral. The included the Chiefs of Ondo and the Derin of Oke Igbo, who requested to send their messengers to accompany his peace party back to Lagos for the next meeting.
By the act of coincidence, the messengers arrived together in Lagos on February 10, 1882. The Governor of Lagos being subordinate to the Governor-General at Accra named Sir Samuel Rowe informed the latter of the new development. Consequently, the Governor-General requested all the delegates to wait for him, which they did for two months. He then interviewed all the messengers to ascertain the truth of the problem.[10]
In his submission, the Alaafin of Oyo’s Ilari (royal messenger) named Obakosetan presented the Alaafin’s position thus:
My Master presents his compliments to your Excellency. He has sent me to invite your kind interference in the protracted war that has been going on these several years in the interior, in which thousands of lives are being sacrificed yearly. His own effort for the purpose proving abortive he has been constrained to apply to you as representing a higher power, to enable us to effect peace throughout the land.[11]
He was seconded by the Are of Ibadan messenger. On his own account, the representative of the Owa of Ijesha named Apenidiagba began by saying, “We have the Ibadans in our clutches now, and they should not be plucked off.” The Governor-General then interjected, “Why then did you not eat them up before this time?”
Apenidiagba however went further to state their condition for peace with Ibadan to include, the guarantee by Ibadan not to declare war in future against the Ijebu, Egba, Ilorin, Ijesha and Ekiti. He was supported by the representative of Seriki Ogedemgbe the commander-in-chief of Ijesha-Ekiti Parapo alliance; while the representative of the Ondo king requested peace for all.[12]
After listening to all the sides, the Governor-General requested two weeks for his reply. By the appointed period, the Governor General handed to each member of the deputation a long identical letter of non-commitment to British intervention; which needs to be quoted at length:
I have carefully thought over the message you gave to me a fortnight ago, and I have heard from the Lieut. -Governor all that passed in this matter before I came to Lagos. I appreciate the action of the King of Oyo in sending to the Governor of Lagos to ask him to send an officer to make peace between the Ibadans and Ijesas. I thank the King of Oyo for the compliment he has paid to the English Government in doing this, showing that he believes in the honour of the English Government, and that he feels confident that an officer from the English Government will deal justly in this matter. The great Queen whom I serve, Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of England and Empress of India, has no other wishes than good wishes towards the entire African people. Her Majesty’s instructions to her officers whom she sends to govern this colony are to promote by all proper means friendly intercourse between the people under their rule and the native tribes living near them. In doing this from time to time her Majesty has approved the visits of her officers to many of the tribes neighbouring Lagos. But Her Majesty has no desire to bring the inland tribes neighbouring Lagos under British rule, and though wicked people have said that if the white man comes to the interior he will take the country, I tell you publicly that my Queen has no wish to take your country. As to sending the messenger asked for by the King of Oyo, I am quite aware that in sending to ask the Governor to send a messenger to the Ibadan and Ijesa camps to make peace, the King of Oyo has done a great thing. He has made a request that is not to be lightly answered. I have thought over it patiently and very anxiously and what I have to say is this: the message given by the Ijesas was not a clear message. They said they wanted the Ibadans to go away and they would agree to make peace on certain conditions, and a part of this condition was — that the Ibadans should sign a promise that they would never again make war on any of the alHed tribes whether Egba, Ijebu, Ijesa, Ekiti, or Ilorin. I cannot send an officer to your camp to dictate to you what you shall do there, but I will report all the circumstances to Her Majesty’s principal officer, and if hereafter the Ibadans and Ijesas should wish to cease from fighting, and to agree to such a condition as one of the Queen’s officers may think right, and if Her Majesty should direct that one of her officers should visit you to try to find out their conditions, then I will do all in my power to carry out your wishes ; and although I have found fault with the difficulties in the road, I would even come willingly myself if I were directed to do so. The Queen is very much interested in your welfare and she wishes her officers to use every right endeavour to increase your prosperity. Government House, Lagos. April 14th, 1882.[13]
The Governor-General in dismissing them showered them with gifts and with some sent to their masters. So we can say with every certainty that Alaafin of Oyo’s peace efforts failed. But one fact we should realize is that the peace effort failed not because of the stance of Ijesha people but the prevailing British policy of non-expansionism into the interior Africa.
This policy eventually ceased after the 1884/5 Berlin Conference when the wind of scramble and partition of Africa took over the reins of British foreign policy. Meanwhile, the belligerents resumed their hostilities immediately after the messengers delivered their ill-fated messages. However the quest for peace continued in non-formal forms.
The next peace effort came from the retired Anglican Missionary Reverend David Hinderer who worked among the Oyo and was well-acquainted with the wars in the interior. Worried by the recurrent rivalry existing among the elites of the warring groups in Lagos Colony, he wrote them requesting them to bury their respective hatchets and strive for peace.[14] Consequently a joint meeting of these various groups was held on December 7, 1882, during which it was resolved to a send a Deputation to the Lt. Governor of Lagos Colony who at the time was Captain Alfred Moloney who was then temporarily in charge.
Those appointed for the deputation included Rev. Jas. Johnson who was the Pastor in charge of St. Paul’s Church, Breadfruit, Lagos as the leader, Messrs. Henry Robbin and L. H. Willoughby a businessman. The next day being December 8, 1882, they presented the following resolution to Lt. Governor Alfred Moloney:
At a meeting of the representative elders of the different tribes, Yorubas, Egbas, Ijebus, Ijesas Ifes and Ondos, held at the Breadfruit parsonage on the 7th of December, 1882, in reference to the long-standing warfare in the interior, from which both the interior countries and Lagos have suffered, the following resolution was after a full consideration of the subject unanimously adopted : ‘ That this meeting, convinced of the ex-king Dosumu’s influence with the kings and chiefs of the interior, though he no more exercise regal power in Lagos, and this is known everywhere in the interior, decides that a deputation composed of nominated representatives of the different tribes be appointed to wait upon him, and respectfully solicit his interference with the King of Jebu and the other kings and chiefs in the interior for the peaceable settlement of the interior difficulty. His Excellency the Governor of Lagos having been first respectfully informed of it, and the countenance and support of his influence had.’
(Sgd.) Jas. Johnson.[15]
Based on the above resolution presented to Captain Alfred Moloney, the latter consequently convened a joint meeting in which Oba Dosumu was invited with some leading Chiefs of Lagos led by the Apeno. The Lt. Governor eventually entrusted the task of meeting the Awujale of Ijebu Oba Afidipote for the facilitation of the peace effort to Oba Dosumu, who subsequently detailed the Apeno of Lagos to take up the task.
It should be noted that while the Awujale was supporting the Egba, Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo, his leading chiefs led by the Balogun were in sympathy with the Ibadan and Oyo. Indeed, by the time he left Lagos on December 28, 1882 for Ijebu Ode the heat of revolt against the Awujale was very high. After visiting the Awujale, he met the members of the Ogboni at the village of Imowo where they were meeting over the same problem.[16]
Thereafter, he visited the Balogun at his Oru war camp. Unfortunately, all his efforts to mediate failed, leading to the Awujale being asked by his people to “go to sleep” (commit suicide). Refusing to die as instructed, he fled to Epe then under the Lagos Colony. Having fled his Kingdom, the Balogun then decided to withdraw their support for the Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo and subsequently made peace with the Ibadan. That was where the peace effort stopped. Thus as Samuel Johnson succinctly noted:
This movement was the first of a series of fruitless meetings held at Lagos between the years 1882 and 1892 which had for their object the restoration of peace in the hinterland by the exercise of ‘influence.’ The subsequent meetings however were not under the aegis of the Government but among the tribal representatives themselves.[17]
The next attempt at ending the war was by the Anglican Missionary named Rev. J. B. Wood, who was then the oldest missionary at the time and was living at Abeokuta. Granted permission for pastoral visits to Iseyin, Oyo and Ibadan, he got to Ibadan on August 24, 1884. Seeing him, the chiefs of Ibadan thought he had come to make peace and stop the war. But when they discovered he was on pastoral visit, they decided to him a letter in Yoruba requesting his kind intervention to stop the war.
Faced with such unexpected trusted being reposed on him, he decided to venture into the Ibadan war camp at Kiriji, taking with him other missionary colleagues— Rev. D. Olubi then heading Ibadan Church, the C.M.S Catechist at Iseyin Mr. Abraham F. Foster, and Mr. Samuel Johnson later Bishop then C.M.S. Catechist at Ibadan, to see how he could try his best to stop the war.
The team eventually left Ibadan on September 16, 1884 and got to Kiriji Camp (Ibadan war camp) on September 24th. After deliberating with the Ibadan war chiefs led by Are Ona Kakanfo Latosisa, they were granted permission to move over to the Ijesha-Ekiti Parapo war camp at Oke Mesin, where they met with their commander-in-chief Seriki Ogedemgbe and his leading war chiefs.
This was followed by tortuous rounds of negotiations. Part of the conditions set by the Ijesha-Ekiti Parapo alliance was the removal of the present towns of Modakeke near Ile-Ife, Igbajo, Otan, Iresi, and Ada once Ijesha towns but dominated by Oyo immigrants to Oyo territory within 15 months after the cessation of hostilities. In other words, the inhabitants of these towns were to be relocated. The Ibadan desirous of peace accepted these conditions under pain and consequently both sides arrived at agreement to end the war on October 8th, 1884.
However, what later torpedoed the peace effort was the question of who should vacate their war camp first. Indeed it was this same issue that torpedoed the earlier peace effort of the Derin of Oke Igbo who was then the Ooni of Ife-elect. The reason was the feared that whoever moved first could be attacked from the rear by the other. None could truth the sincerity of the other because such act of mistrust had occurred before.
The Ibadan war leaders had requested the Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo forces to retreat to the town of Mesin which was about a distance of one mile fearing they might be pursued by Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo forces once they turn their backs on them. But as usual, the Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo forces said they were in their land and would not move an inch from their camp.[18] Those who invaded their land should vacate the land first.
As Samuel Johnson pointed out:
They [Ijesha and Ekiti Parapo forces] assured Mr. Wood they would never pursue after the Ibadans. Their Commander-in-Chief Ogedemgbe exclaimed, ‘Aja ki ilepa Ekun, Ekun ni won, Aja I’awa, Oyinbo maha mu won lo’ (‘The dog cannot pursue after a leopard, they are leopards, and we but dogs. White man, do take them away.’) As an assurance of their sincerity the Ekiti chiefs said they were ready to build a temporary house for Mr. Wood and his party on the battlefield and leave with him all the Ijesa Christians to stay there as a witness until the Ibadans were clean gone.[19]
To these the Ibadan chiefs replied,
We have no objection to the temporary house being built, and the Ijesa Christians remaining there with the white man (though what effectual guarantee that will prove we fail to see), but we do certainly object to entrap ourselves in a defile under their very eyes. What the chiefs may desire is one thing what the uncontrollable war-boys may do is another. If they are sincere let them put a mile between us and themselves, Mesin Ipole is not far. We have accepted all their terms, that is the only stipulation we have to make, and that is reasonable enough.[20]
With no side willing to yield ground for the other, the stalemate became clearly irreconcilable before Rev. Wood. He subsequently left the battlefield with his peace delegation on October 17, 1884, thereby ending the third round of peace efforts.[21] The belligerents soon resumed their hostilities.
Meanwhile, at the same time Rev. Wood was making efforts to end the war, the major Western European powers were in the final stage of preparations for the infamous Berlin Conference of 1884/85 that subsequently led to the scramble and partition of Africa. In our next part, we shall show how the aftermath of the Berlin Conference consequently broke all the jinxes of the stalemates and eventually brought the war to an end.
To be continued
Dr. Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe is the Odogwu (Traditional Generalissimo) of Ibusa, Delta Sate & President, International Coalition against Christian Genocide in Nigeria (ICAC-GEN). He was formerly Director, Centre for Igbo Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He lives in exile in Manila, Republic of the Philippines.
Email: Nwaezeigwe.Genocideafrica@gmail.com
Visit our: https://icac-gen.org to understand the core reason of my struggles and exile in Republic of the Philippines.
[1] John Wyndham, Myth of Ife London: Erskine Macdonald Ltd, 1921, 20
[2] Adenle Ahmed Abiola,“My father’s crown was given to Alaafin – Sunday Igboho” The Eagle Online,August 25, 2025,https://theeagleonline.com.ng/my-fathers-crown-was-given-to-alaafin-sunday-igboho-video/
[3] T. J. Bowen, Central Africa: Adventures and Missionary Labors in Several Countries in the Interior of Africa from 1849 t01856 Charleston: Southern Baptist Publication Society, 1857, 267
[4] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 331
[5] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 402
[6] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 403
[7] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 476
[8] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 466
[9] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 467
[10] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 470
[11] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 470
[12] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 470
[13] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 470-1
[14] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 480
[15] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 481
[16] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 483-5
[17] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 482
[18] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 493-5
[19] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 499
[20] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 499
[21] Johnson, The History of the Yorubas, 500
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